Indigenous History of Rocky Mountain House, Alberta

Rocky Mountain House stands at the convergence of multiple Indigenous histories, situated on the traditional territories of several First Nations whose presence predates European settlement by thousands of years. Located on the banks of the North Saskatchewan River, this area represents a complex tapestry of Indigenous relationships, cultural practices, and historical events that continue to shape the region today. The interaction between Indigenous peoples and European fur traders beginning in the late 18th century transformed the area into a significant site of cultural exchange, economic activity, and sometimes conflict. This rich Indigenous history includes traditional territories and land use, the pivotal fur trade era, treaty relationships, and ongoing contemporary connections that demonstrate the enduring presence and resilience of First Nations and Métis peoples in the region.

Traditional Territories and Indigenous Presence

The lands surrounding Rocky Mountain House have been home to diverse Indigenous peoples for millennia, each with their own distinct cultures, languages, and relationships to the landscape. Rocky Mountain House is located on the traditional territory of the Siksikaitsitapi (Blackfoot Confederacy), Tsuut'ina, Stoney Nakoda, Cree, Saulteaux (Anishinaabe), and Métis peoples^[1]. Archaeological evidence indicates that the confluence of the North Saskatchewan and Clearwater rivers was occupied and used for thousands of years by Indigenous peoples before the establishment of European fur trade posts^[2]. The area sits primarily within Blackfoot territory, though it was also traversed by Stoney Nakoda, Cree, and Anishinaabe peoples who would pass through on their way to trade with Indigenous groups in what is now British Columbia^[3]. This intersection of territories made the region an important meeting ground and sometimes contested space among various Indigenous nations.

The Blackfoot Confederacy—comprising the Piikani (Peigan), Kainai (Blood), and Siksika nations—have a particularly long-standing presence in the region. Historical and archaeological evidence suggests Blackfoot occupation in the region dating back at least to the 16th century, with some scholars arguing for even earlier dates^[4]. The Blackfoot were traditionally nomadic buffalo hunters who followed seasonal rounds across the plains, with their territory extending from the North Saskatchewan River southward into what is now Montana^[4]. Their proximity to Rocky Mountain House made them significant players in the developing fur trade, though they approached European contact with caution and strategic self-interest, seeking to maintain their territorial sovereignty and economic advantage.

The Stoney Nakoda (also known as Iyârhe Nakoda or "Rocky Mountain Sioux") occupied territories in the foothills and eastern slopes of the Rocky Mountains. According to Elder John Snow Jr., the origin of the Stoney Nakoda in the region has multiple narratives—some say they traveled from the Dakotas, while others believe they emerged from the mountains themselves: "It is said that when creation occurred, we came out of the mountain, and at the end of time, we will go back to the mountain"^[5]. The Stoney Nakoda's connection to the mountainous landscape is deeply spiritual, with Chief John Snow describing the mountains as "our temples, our sanctuaries, and our resting places... a very special and holy place where the Great Spirit speaks with us"^[5]. Their presence in the woodlands and foothills made them "Rocky Mountain House's nearest Aboriginal neighbours and most consistent customers" during the fur trade era^[6].

Before European contact, the Cree and Saulteaux (Anishinaabe) peoples also maintained a presence in the region, though relations between these groups and the Blackfoot were often strained. The Cree occupied territories primarily to the north and east, while some Saulteaux moved westward in the early 1800s "to trap beaver for the NorthWest Company" with some eventually settling "in the eastern slopes and foothills of the Rocky Mountains"^[7]. This migration brought them into the Rocky Mountain House area, though as relative newcomers compared to the Blackfoot and Stoney Nakoda. The Ktunaxa (Kootenay) people, who lived mainly in the Columbia River valley west of the Rockies, also maintained connections to the plains by crossing mountain passes to hunt and trade^[6], though their access was often controlled by the Blackfoot.

The Fur Trade Era and Establishment of Trading Posts

The European fur trade dramatically altered the Indigenous landscape around Rocky Mountain House when the North West Company established the first trading post in 1799, quickly followed by the Hudson's Bay Company's competing Acton House nearby^[8]. These posts were not built in isolation but rather within an existing Indigenous world with established trade networks, territorial boundaries, and inter-tribal relationships. While Europeans viewed the posts as commercial ventures, for Indigenous peoples, they represented new opportunities and challenges within their existing social, economic, and political frameworks. The establishment of these trading posts marked a significant moment when Indigenous and European worlds became increasingly intertwined, though Indigenous peoples maintained considerable agency throughout the fur trade era.

The original strategic purpose of the Rocky Mountain House post was twofold: to develop trade with the Ktunaxa (Kootenay) who lived west of the Rocky Mountains, and to provide a base for further exploration westward^[1][9]. Explorer David Thompson used Rocky Mountain House as the launching point for his expeditions across the Rocky Mountains, eventually crossing Howse Pass in 1807 to reach the Columbia River^[1][10]. However, the post failed in its intended purpose of establishing direct trade with the Ktunaxa because it was situated in Blackfoot territory, and the Blackfoot Confederacy strategically opposed allowing the Ktunaxa direct access to European goods^[9]. As noted in historical accounts, "The tribes of the Blackfoot confederacy wished to see Rocky Mountain House prosper, but largely on the strength of a trade with their own membership"^[10]. This stance reflected the Blackfoot's desire to maintain their role as powerful intermediaries in regional trade networks.

The Blackfoot resistance to European-Ktunaxa trade relations came to a head in 1810 when members of the Blackfoot Confederacy "had turned their attention northward once again and had effectively mounted a blockade against the fur traders seeking to cross the mountains"^[10]. This forced David Thompson to seek an alternative route, eventually leading to his discovery of the Athabasca Pass in 1811. The Blackfoot's ability to influence European movement and trade demonstrates their considerable power in the region during this period. Their actions were not simply reactive but reflected deliberate strategies to protect their interests, particularly their concern about keeping firearms away from potential rivals: "The Peigan, previously on relatively peaceful terms with the Ktunaxa, were now anxious to keep trade fire-arms out of the hands of this group"^[10]. This strategic positioning highlights how Indigenous nations actively shaped the fur trade to their advantage when possible.

Trade at Rocky Mountain House involved eight distinct First Nations as well as Métis traders, creating a complex web of relationships^[8]. The Nakoda (Stoney) became particularly important trading partners as they "lived in the woodlands and foothills north and west of the North Saskatchewan River, making them Rocky Mountain House's nearest Aboriginal neighbours and most consistent customers"^[6]. While the Blackfoot remained powerful players, visiting periodically to trade, the Nakoda "trapped muskrat and beaver but they were mainly big game hunters" whose "moose and elk meat fed generations of European traders at Rocky"^[6]. This trading relationship benefited both parties, with the Nakoda receiving European goods while providing crucial food supplies that enabled the continued operation of the posts. Other Indigenous groups, including the Cree and Saulteaux, also engaged in trade at Rocky Mountain House, though often with greater caution due to their sometimes tense relations with the dominant Blackfoot.

The fur trade era at Rocky Mountain House spanned 76 years, with the posts being rebuilt several times and operated intermittently based on profitability and changing relationships with Indigenous traders^[1]. After the North West Company and Hudson's Bay Company merged in 1821, they continued to operate under the Hudson's Bay Company name but retained the North West Company's designation of "Rocky Mountain House"^[8]. Throughout this period, Rocky Mountain House remained primarily important for trade with the Blackfoot, and "Despite HBC attempts to close the post, Blackfoot pressure kept it in operation until 1875"^[9]. This continued influence again demonstrates the significant role Indigenous peoples played in shaping fur trade operations, rather than being passive recipients of European economic systems.

Indigenous Relationships and Cultural Exchange

The Rocky Mountain House trading posts existed within a complex web of relationships among different Indigenous groups whose interactions predated European arrival. The North Saskatchewan River valley served as both a meeting ground and a potential site of conflict between different nations with distinct interests and historical relationships. The Blackfoot Confederacy and Cree nations, in particular, often experienced tension and sometimes open conflict. One of the purposes of establishing Rocky Mountain House was to mitigate this conflict by providing separate trading locations: "Previously, the Blackfoot and Cree went to Edmonton House, and conflict often erupted between the two groups. With the establishment of Rocky Mountain House, it was the hope of the company that any conflict could be avoided"^[3]. This arrangement reflected European traders' recognition of Indigenous political realities, even as they sought to reshape them for commercial advantage.

The complex Indigenous relationships at Rocky Mountain House were not always understood by European traders, who sometimes misinterpreted alliances and rivalries. As noted in the historical record, "Fur trade companies did not always understand the relationships between First Nations"^[8]. Indigenous peoples often acted as middlemen in extended trade networks that reached far beyond the immediate vicinity of the posts: "Often people of one First Nation would trade company goods to another First Nation. They would trade at a profit. This was the role of the Indigenous middleman in the fur trade"^[8]. These Indigenous trade networks existed before European arrival and continued to operate alongside the new fur trade system, demonstrating how Indigenous peoples adapted European commerce to fit within their existing economic frameworks rather than simply abandoning traditional practices.

The fur trade fostered significant cultural exchange and the formation of new identities, particularly through marriages between Indigenous women and European traders. These relationships were not merely personal but served important economic and diplomatic functions: "Many First Nations women married European company men. Their children were Métis, meaning they came from blended cultures. Many of the company men at Rocky Mountain House were Métis"^[8]. Indigenous women played crucial roles beyond these marriages, as they "provided food such as garden produce, berries, fish and game to the fur trade posts" and "also made and sold hand-worked items such as sashes and quilts"^[11]. Their knowledge of local food sources, technologies for processing hides, and language skills made them indispensable to the operation of the fur trade posts, though their contributions have often been underacknowledged in historical accounts.

The emergence of Métis identity represents one of the most significant cultural developments of the fur trade era. As the search results explain, "Many other Métis became Free Traders in this area. They did not belong to any company or nation. Some Métis returned to the home of their First Nations ancestors. Over time, a Métis Nation formed itself"^[8]. This distinct cultural identity, born from the intersection of Indigenous and European worlds, would become an important part of Rocky Mountain House's social fabric. Métis people occupied a unique position, often serving as cultural intermediaries while developing their own distinctive traditions, language (Michif), and political consciousness. Their emergence as a distinct people demonstrates how the fur trade created not only economic changes but profound social and cultural transformations as well.

Treaty Relationships and Formal Agreements

The area surrounding Rocky Mountain House is covered by Treaty 6, which was first signed on August 23, 1876, at Fort Carlton and on September 9, 1876, at Fort Pitt in what is now Saskatchewan^[1][12]. Treaty 6 represents a formal agreement between the Crown and various Indigenous nations including the Cree, Chipewyan, and Stoney peoples, though its interpretation differed significantly between the signatories. From the Crown's perspective, the treaty involved "the surrendering of large parcels of land to the Crown with small parcels set aside for reserve land," while "First Nations signatories to Treaty 6, however, were assured that they were agreeing to share the land and its resources rather than to completely surrender it to the Crown"^[12]. This fundamental difference in understanding continues to affect Indigenous-Crown relations to this day and forms an important context for understanding the complex history of land rights in the Rocky Mountain House region.

The promises made in Treaty 6 included "farm equipment, farm animals, annuities, ammunition, and rights to hunt and fish on traditional territory"^[12]. Significantly, Treaty 6 also included unique provisions not found in other numbered treaties, specifically "the medicine chest clause" which guaranteed healthcare assistance—a provision that has been interpreted as the basis for modern healthcare obligations to First Nations communities^[12]. The treaty's implementation, however, often fell short of these promises, creating ongoing issues of trust and reconciliation. While the initial treaty was signed in 1876, adhesions—additional signings by groups not present at the original negotiations—continued for decades afterward, including at "Fort Edmonton in 1877, Blackfoot Crossing in 1877, Sounding Lake in 1879, and Rocky Mountain House in 1944 and 1950"^[12]. These later adhesions reflect the complex and extended process by which Treaty 6 came to encompass many different Indigenous communities across a vast territory.

The Rocky Mountain House adhesions to Treaty 6 in the mid-20th century directly relate to two First Nations communities that maintain close connections to the town today. The Sunchild First Nation, a Cree community, signed the Treaty 6 adhesion "on May 25, 1944 under the leadership of Chief Louis Sunchild"^[13]. The O'Chiese First Nation, a Saulteaux community, became "a signatory to Treaty 6 adhesion, signed on May 13, 1950"^[14]. These relatively late treaty adhesions reflect the complex history of Indigenous-Crown relations in the region and the ongoing process of formal recognition of Indigenous rights and territories throughout the 20th century. Today, the Sunchild reserve (52.18 km² in size) is located approximately 60 km northwest of Rocky Mountain House, sharing its western border with the O'Chiese First Nation reserve (14,131.9 hectares)^[13][14].

The oral history of the O'Chiese First Nation provides important context for understanding why these communities signed treaty adhesions in the mid-20th century, revealing motivations beyond what appears in official historical records: "Some community Elder oral histories indicates that the people of O'Chiese came from various areas and located to their present site to prevent their children from being taken to residential schools"^[7]. This perspective highlights how Indigenous communities sometimes made strategic decisions regarding treaties and reserves as a form of protection against harmful colonial policies, rather than simply accepting the terms offered by the government. The statement reveals the agency exercised by Indigenous peoples even within the unequal power dynamics of the treaty process, as they sought to secure the best possible future for their communities under difficult circumstances.

Cultural Practices and Sacred Landscapes

The landscape surrounding Rocky Mountain House holds profound spiritual and cultural significance for the Indigenous nations who have lived there since time immemorial. For the Stoney Nakoda, the mountains themselves are sacred entities with spiritual power. Chief John Snow articulated this relationship eloquently: "These mountains are our temples, our sanctuaries, and our resting places. They are a place of hope, a place of vision, a place of refuge, and a very special and holy place where the Great Spirit speaks with us. Therefore, these mountains are our sacred places"^[5]. This spiritual connection to the landscape reflects a worldview in which the natural environment is not simply a resource to be used but a living entity with which humans maintain reciprocal relationships. Specific features of the landscape, such as Mount Yamnuska (called Îyâ Mnathka or "flat-faced mountain" by the Stoney Nakoda), are considered particularly sacred—"one of our holy mountains, our sacred mountain," places that few Stoney Nakoda people visit "except for in prayer and ceremony"^[5].

The valley floors and surrounding environments served as sources of important traditional medicines and materials, demonstrating the practical aspects of Indigenous knowledge about the landscape. As Elder John Snow Jr. explains, "The Elders have said that was our pharmacy. All our medicines are in the valley there," including "cedar, sage, sweetgrass, and tobacco that are used both for ceremony and healing"^[5]. This pharmacological knowledge represents sophisticated understanding of local ecosystems developed over countless generations of observation and experimentation. The intertwining of practical and spiritual aspects of land use is characteristic of Indigenous knowledge systems, where the distinction between "utilitarian" and "sacred" practices often dissolves. For the Blackfoot peoples, who dominated the plains around Rocky Mountain House, the buffalo was central to both material subsistence and spiritual practices, providing not only food, clothing, and shelter but also forming the foundation of important ceremonies and social structures.

Indigenous cultural practices in the Rocky Mountain House region were seasonally organized, reflecting deep understanding of natural cycles. The Blackfoot, for instance, followed "a seasonal round" where "each Blackfoot band was divided into several hunting bands led by one or more chiefs" who "wintered separately in sheltered river valleys"^[4]. During summer, "they gathered in a great encampment to observe the Sun Dance, the principal tribal religious ceremony"^[4]. This ceremonial gathering served multiple purposes—reinforcing social bonds, providing opportunities for spiritual renewal, and marking important seasonal transitions. Traditional spiritual items like "medicine bundles—collections of sacred objects that, when properly venerated, were said to bring success in war and hunting and protection against sickness and misfortune"^[4]—played important roles in Blackfoot spiritual practices, linking individual well-being to proper relationships with spiritual forces.

The material culture of Indigenous peoples in the Rocky Mountain House region was sophisticated and highly adapted to local environmental conditions. The Blackfoot tipis, for example, were not merely practical shelters but embodied important cultural and spiritual principles: "Women were considered the owner of the tipi and were in charge of its care and maintenance. Blackfoot tipis consisted of four poles and among the First Nations people were the most elegant in shape and painted decoration"^[15]. The designs painted on tipis were not simply decorative but spiritually significant: "The Blackfoot believed that spirit beings gave these images to people in their dreams so that harmony and long life would come to those inside. The designs connect us with the Spirit Beings in the world around us"^[15]. The tipi designs represented a cosmological understanding where "the painted area around the bottom of the tipi cover" symbolized "the earth's surface" while "the painted tops of tipis represented the upper limit of the physical world and therefore symbolized Father Sky"^[15]. This reflected a holistic worldview where human existence was understood as occurring within the space between Mother Earth and Father Sky.

Contemporary Indigenous Communities and Reconciliation

Today, the Indigenous presence in the Rocky Mountain House area continues through multiple First Nations and Métis communities, each maintaining their distinct cultural identities while engaging with contemporary issues and opportunities. The two First Nations with reserves closest to Rocky Mountain House are the Sunchild First Nation, a Cree community with approximately 1,520 members (as of 2024, with about 75% living on reserve)^[13], and the O'Chiese First Nation, a Saulteaux community with approximately 1,542 members (about 865 living on reserve)^[7]. Both nations maintain their cultural distinctiveness while facing similar contemporary challenges. The O'Chiese people, for instance, are "of Saulteaux and Cree ancestry" with their traditional language being Saulteaux, "although most of community understand Cree and English, approximately 70% speak Saulteaux fluently"^[7]. This language preservation represents an important aspect of cultural continuity despite the significant pressures of colonization and assimilation policies over the past two centuries.

The Rocky Mountain House National Historic Site, which commemorates the fur trade posts, has become an important focal point for Indigenous cultural presence and reconciliation efforts in the region. Parks Canada's management plan emphasizes strategies to "Strengthen relationships with Métis and First Nations peoples and organizations" through various initiatives that "demonstrate leadership in reconciliation"^[2]. These include ongoing partnerships "with Métis Local 845 and with the Indigenous cultural organization, Kis Sai Wah Toe Tat Towin Society to deliver cultural programs and reconciliation activities," as well as supporting "elder storytelling and youth programming opportunities (e.g., cultural camps and elder tipi teaching programs)"^[2]. These efforts aim to address gaps in how the site has presented Indigenous history and to incorporate Indigenous perspectives more fully into its interpretive framework.

Economic development and education represent important priorities for contemporary Indigenous communities near Rocky Mountain House. The Sunchild First Nation operates the Aboriginal Skills and Employment Training Strategy (ISETS) program designed "to improve the employment opportunities of our nations members and assist members in delivering employment/training supports to the ready, willing and able work force community"^[16]. This initiative represents one way Indigenous communities are working to create sustainable economic futures while maintaining cultural distinctiveness. Additionally, the Sunchild First Nation operates its own school (Sunchild First Nation School) and health center, demonstrating efforts toward self-determination in key areas of community life^[13]. Similar initiatives exist within the O'Chiese First Nation, reflecting shared concerns about economic opportunities, education, healthcare, and cultural preservation.

The ongoing process of reconciliation involves acknowledging historical injustices while building more respectful relationships for the future. Parks Canada's strategy includes working "with Indigenous peoples to build relationships that demonstrate leadership in reconciliation, and that contribute to collaborative initiatives and opportunities for strengthening diversity, inclusion and understanding"^[2]. Specific initiatives include collaborative research "to strengthen the understanding of this site's significance to Indigenous peoples, and to provide multiple perspectives on the fur-trade era," remaining "open to the establishment of temporary cultural structures related to on-site activities (e.g., a sweat lodge)," and working "with First Nation and Métis groups to investigate the potential for development of a gathering/cultural use structure"^[2]. These efforts reflect broader Canadian society's increasing recognition of the need to incorporate Indigenous perspectives, knowledge, and rights into institutional practices and public spaces, though much work remains to be done in addressing the legacies of colonization.

Conclusion

The Indigenous history of Rocky Mountain House reveals a complex narrative of cultural resilience, strategic adaptation, and ongoing presence that challenges simplistic understandings of Canadian history. Far from being passive recipients of European colonization, Indigenous peoples actively shaped the trajectory of events in the region—from the Blackfoot Confederacy's strategic control of trade routes and access to the mountains, to the Stoney Nakoda's consistent participation in the fur trade economy while maintaining their cultural distinctiveness, to the later decisions by the O'Chiese and Sunchild communities to sign Treaty 6 adhesions as a means of protecting their people and securing their futures. Throughout these changing circumstances, Indigenous nations maintained their connections to the land, their cultural practices, and their distinct identities despite significant pressures toward assimilation and marginalization.

The contemporary landscape around Rocky Mountain House continues to reflect this Indigenous history in both visible and invisible ways. The continued presence of the Sunchild and O'Chiese First Nations, as well as other Indigenous communities and individuals in the region, represents living continuity with pre-contact Indigenous histories. Place names in the region—both official names like the North Saskatchewan River (from the Cree kisiskâciwanisîpiy meaning "swift-flowing river"^[17]) and unofficial or traditional names preserved within Indigenous communities—encode knowledge about the landscape and its significance. The Rocky Mountain House National Historic Site's evolving approach to incorporating Indigenous perspectives represents one institutional attempt to acknowledge the incomplete and sometimes biased nature of previous historical narratives while creating space for more inclusive understandings.

The ongoing process of reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Canada finds particular expression in Rocky Mountain House, where the historical meeting of different worlds continues to shape contemporary relationships. Initiatives to strengthen Indigenous cultural presence, support language preservation, acknowledge traditional knowledge, and create economic opportunities all contribute to this process, though they cannot erase the significant impacts of colonization. By understanding the rich and complex Indigenous history of Rocky Mountain House—before, during, and after the establishment of the fur trade posts—Canadians can gain deeper appreciation for the diverse peoples who have shaped this region and whose descendants continue to maintain their connections to these lands today. This understanding forms an essential foundation for building more respectful relationships that honor both the difficult truths of the past and the shared possibilities of the future.

⁂

• https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/rocky-mountain-house     
• https://parks.canada.ca/lhn-nhs/ab/rockymountain/info/gestion-management-2018?wbdisable=true     
• https://canadaehx.com/2021/09/27/the-history-of-rocky-mountain-house/  
• https://www.britannica.com/topic/Blackfoot-people     
• https://www.explorecanmore.ca/blog/sacred-places-connecting-land-culture-and-history/     
• https://parks.canada.ca/lhn-nhs/ab/rockymountain/culture/premieres-first    
• https://www.ochiese.ca/ourcommunity    
• https://parks.canada.ca/lhn-nhs/ab/rockymountain/culture/histoire-history       
• https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/rocky-mountain-house-national-historic-park   
• http://www.parkscanadahistory.com/publications/rockymountain/david-thompson-2001.pdf    
• https://indigenouspeoplesatlasofcanada.ca/article/fur-trade/ 
• https://empoweringthespirit.ca/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/PD-WT-16d-Treaty-6.pdf     
• https://www.sunchildfirstnation.com    
• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/O'Chiese_First_Nation  
• https://blackfootcrossing.ca/our-culture-2/   
• https://www.sunchildfirstnation.com/member-services/human-resources-development/ 
• https://www.swimdrinkfish.ca/north-saskatchewan-riverkeeper/blog/a-brief-history-of-the-north-saskatchewan-river